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The EEOC Is on the Verge of Making It Harder for Workers to Fight Harassment

by Admin
March 9, 2026
in Politics
The EEOC Is on the Verge of Making It Harder for Workers to Fight Harassment


Economy


/
January 20, 2026

The agency is planning to delete a document that provides up-to-date guidance on the protections workers have in this complex and rapidly changing area of law.

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The EEOC Is on the Verge of Making It Harder for Workers to Fight Harassment

Andrea Lucas, now chair of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, testifies at her confirmation hearing in front of the Senate HELP Committee, in June 2025.

(Tom Williams / CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)

The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, the only federal agency that protects private-sector workers’ rights to be free from discrimination, is on the verge of erasing a guidance document outlining all forms of illegal harassment, setting the agency back to the 1990s. Without the document to refer to, workers will struggle to vindicate their right to be free from harassment, and courts will be deprived of a worker-friendly and up-to-date set of standards for what constitutes harassment, agency experts say.

When the EEOC’s commissioners voted in April 2024 to approve the harassment document, officially called “Enforcement Guidance on Harassment in the Workplace,” the current chair, Andrea Lucas, then in the minority, voted against it. At the time, she said she opposed the document because, following a decade of EEOC precedent and then the 2020 Supreme Court decision in Bostock v. Clayton County finding that discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity is illegal under Title XII of the Civil Rights Act, it says harassment based on these characteristics is prohibited. “Biological sex is real, and it matters,” she wrote at the time. “Sex is binary (male and female) and is immutable.” Then, in January of last year, after President Trump took the unprecedented step of firing two Democratic commissioners before their terms were up contra statute, handing Lucas the chair position, she reiterated her opposition to the guidance, particularly in the wake of Trump’s executive order asserting “the biological reality of sex,” but noted that she couldn’t change or remove it without a quorum.

Now Lucas has both a quorum and a majority, giving her the ability to hold votes on actions like rescinding guidance documents, after Trump-picked Commissioner Brittany Panuccio was confirmed by the Senate on October 7 and sworn in October 27. Lucas has lost no time. On December 29, she sent a final rule to rescind the harassment guidance to the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs. That move short-circuits what former commissioners say should, by policy, be a longer and more deliberate process. OIRA has now given her the go-ahead to rescind the document without a notice and comment period, and on Thursday the commission will hold a vote. If Lucas and Panuccio vote in favor, the harassment guidance will disappear.

The EEOC can’t summarily eliminate all the case law establishing workers’ protections against harassment. But without the document, it will become much harder for both workers to understand their rights and employers to know their obligations. Harassment is a complex area of law, with different standards based on different situations, that has mostly been shaped by court cases, not by laws. Before the current guidance was released, there was no comprehensive assessment of all the forms of workplace harassment and how to recognize and address them—the information was “scattered through a variety of guidance documents from the commission,” said Jocelyn Samuels, a former EEOC commissioner who was fired by Trump. EEOC commissioners and their staff, in putting the document together, sifted through decades of case law and not only put everything in one place and purposefully did so in an accessible way. It includes over 70 examples of harassment drawn from real-life situations.

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The last time the agency had issued such a document was in 1999. In the time since then, the EEOC had taken the position that harassment based on a worker’s sexual orientation or gender identity is prohibited by Title XII, which bans discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, and national origin, and that was then codified by the Supreme Court’s Bostock decision. Not to mention that the #MeToo movement had raised awareness around sexual harassment and led to changes in the law. “You have to keep that guidance updated because the case law is changing,” said Chai Feldblum, former EEOC chair who worked on the guidance under President Obama. The document also reflects “the more modern ways in which we see harassment arise,” an EEOC employee with knowledge said—from customers, in online spaces, and on the basis of pregnancy. “We’re in a different civil rights world 25 years later.”

That means that, while all of the enumerated rights remain in place on paper, both workers and employers may be in the dark without the EEOC guidance. Workers might not understand that their rights have been violated or feel confident starting a lengthy, grueling legal process to vindicate them. Employers may only react to harassment after the fact, once the damage has been done. It “will needlessly subject many more workers to unlawful harassment that can be serious and heartbreakingly damaging consequences,” Samuels said. While the group EEO Leaders, an organization of former EEOC officials, is hosting the document, employees and employers may not know to look there with it gone from the EEOC website. “It’s not the same as actually having the official guidance of the agency,” Feldlbum said.

The rescission also sends a message to workers. No longer will the EEOC have a document explicitly stating that harassment based on sexual orientation or gender identity is illegal, for example. “What rescinding this guidance does is make it almost explicit that they don’t believe that this is covered under the law,” Feldblum said. But it sends a signal to all workers, given that the entire document is set to disappear. “At its heart, it signals that the agency doesn’t care about protecting workers from egregious harassment,” the EEOC employee said.

Courts, meanwhile, usually give deference to EEOC guidance when presented with new fact patterns in a case. Now they can no longer rely on the document to decide when harassment has and hasn’t occurred, which offered “a more positive view of the law for employees,” Feldblum said. That might result in more employer-friendly rulings.

It also leaves EEOC investigators, who are tasked with determining whether complaints of discrimination can be substantiated, with far less information to sift through harassment claims. They have “to decide whether they believe there’s reasonable cause to think discrimination, harassment has occurred,” Feldblum noted. Now all they’ll have to guide them is a document written almost three decades ago.

“Rescinding this guidance is an incredible disservice to the public,” Samuels said. “It will deprive workers and employers of what is invaluable guidance. It can promote compliance and avoid many of the really serious and debilitating problems that harassment causes in the workplace.”

It also ditches the 10 years of work that went into creating it. Guidance documents “are a labor of love,” Samuels said. “They require an enormous investment of commission resources.” In the years when Feldblum was working on the document, she and commission employees put in “hundreds of hours” on it, she said. They reviewed “hundreds of cases” and then had to “analyze them [and] present them in an accessible manner.”

That process only continued when the commission took the document back up under President Biden. “It was the product of extensive analysis and discussion and consideration and debate inside the commission,” said Samuels, who worked on it at the time. The agency also received over 38,000 comments from the public on its proposed document, all of which it considered and responded to.


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Lucas didn’t have to erase the entire document; if there were portions of it that she disagreed with, such as gender identity protections, she could have revised the document to just get rid of those pieces. But by the agency’s own stated policies, that would require going through the notice and comment process, allowing the public and other agencies to weigh in, which would take more work and more time.

Now Lucas is arguing that, because she’s deleting the whole document, she doesn’t have to go through notice and comment. That is a “pathetic legal argument,” Feldblum said. She should “absolutely” have to go through the same process in this case, she said. Without notice and comment, the public doesn’t get the opportunity to weigh in, and the commission won’t have to take into account the views of stakeholders.

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“To have it go away just like that without the proper process really disrespects the severity of this problem,” the EEOC employee said.

And by deleting the entire document, Lucas gets rid of portions she might agree with, such as protecting women from sexual harassment or protecting workers with disabilities. Lucas has purported to protect women’s rights and spoken out in defense of disability rights. And Panuccio described her personal experience with rape as a college student in her nomination hearing. “If confirmed, I will continue to passionately defend women’s rights as a Commissioner on the EEOC,” she said. “My personal experience underscores the important of preventing discrimination.”

Even before February 28, the reasons for Donald Trump’s imploding approval rating were abundantly clear: untrammeled corruption and personal enrichment to the tune of billions of dollars during an affordability crisis, a foreign policy guided only by his own derelict sense of morality, and the deployment of a murderous campaign of occupation, detention, and deportation on American streets.

Now an undeclared, unauthorized, unpopular, and unconstitutional war of aggression against Iran has spread like wildfire through the region and into Europe. A new “forever war”—with an ever-increasing likelihood of American troops on the ground—may very well be upon us.

As we’ve seen over and over, this administration uses lies, misdirection, and attempts to flood the zone to justify its abuses of power at home and abroad. Just as Trump, Marco Rubio, and Pete Hegseth offer erratic and contradictory rationales for the attacks on Iran, the administration is also spreading the lie that the upcoming midterm elections are under threat from noncitizens on voter rolls. When these lies go unchecked, they become the basis for further authoritarian encroachment and war.

In these dark times, independent journalism is uniquely able to uncover the falsehoods that threaten our republic—and civilians around the world—and shine a bright light on the truth.

The Nation’s experienced team of writers, editors, and fact-checkers understands the scale of what we’re up against and the urgency with which we have to act. That’s why we’re publishing critical reporting and analysis of the war on Iran, ICE violence at home, new forms of voter suppression emerging in the courts, and much more.

But this journalism is possible only with your support.

This March, The Nation needs to raise $50,000 to ensure that we have the resources for reporting and analysis that sets the record straight and empowers people of conscience to organize. Will you donate today?

Bryce Covert

Bryce Covert is a contributing writer at The Nation and was a 2023 Reporter in Residence at Omidyar Network.

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